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Full text of "Virtue and violence: portrayals of Lucretia and Achilles by Giuseppe Cades"

EC T649 T650 2002 OCTOBER c.1 

(EC) Toledo, OH 2002. 

Toledo Museum of Art. 

Virtue and violence : portrayals of Lucr 





Portrayals ofLucretia and Achilles by Giuseppe Cades 



_ 



Published in conjunction with an exhibition held October 
4, 2002-January 5, 2003, at the Toledo Museum of Art. 

This book was published with the assistance of 
The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. 

FIRST EDITION 

© 2002 Toledo Museum of Art 

All Rights Reserved. 

Except for legitimate excerpts customary in review of 
scholarly publications, no part of this book may be 
reproduced by any means without the express written 
permission of the publisher. 

ISBN 0-935172-17-3 

Printed in the United States of America. All rights 
reserved under International and Pan-American 
Copyright Conventions. 

Toledo Museum of Art 

2445 Monroe Street 

P.O. Box 1013 

Toledo, Ohio 43697-1013 

Telephone: 419-255-8000 

Fax:419-255-5638 

Internet: www.tolcdomuseum.org 



Coordinator of Publications: Sandra E. Knudsen 
Designer: Rochelle R. Slosser Smith 
Printer: Homewood Press, Toledo 

Cover: Detail, Giuseppe Cades (Italian [Rome], 1750- 
1799), The Virtue ofLucretia, about 1774-82. Oil on 
canvas, 99 x 135 cm (39 x 53 V 8 in.). Toledo Museum of 
Art, Purchased with funds from the Libbey Endowment, 
Gift of Edward Drummond Libbey, 2000.29. 

Title Page: Detail. 



,^/^fc^ 



In 2000, the Toledo Museum of Art acquired a rare 
painting by the Roman artist Giuseppe Cades (1750- 
1799). The Virtue ofLucretia is the only history painting on 
an ancient subject in America by Cades, a progressive artist 
who excelled in that genre. His pictorial skills and superb 
draftsmanship drew praise and envious criticism from his 
contemporaries. Although relatively unknown outside art 
historical circles, the artist is gradually regaining his once 
famed reputation. Anthony Morris Clark, who wrote a 
sensitive overview of Cadess drawing practice in 1964, 
urged that greater critical attention be given to Cades, an 
intelligent and daring personality whose work was "always 
graceful" and "approached nobility." 1 Clark thought that 
Cades drew "too well" — a curious but illuminating 
observation, considering that already in 1809 the art 
historian Luigi Lanzi labeled Cades "a dangerous imitative 
talent to society." Lanzi wrote of Cadess ability to draw 
so convincingly in the manner of Raphael that it fooled 
connoisseurs." More recent studies on the artist by Maria 
Teresa Caracciolo, 3 as well as the exhibition of 2000 
organized by the Philadelphia Museum of Art, The Splendor 
of 1 8th-Century Rome, which included paintings and 
drawings by Cades, have served to highlight his impact 
on his artistic environment. In the Philadelphia exhibition 
catalogue, Edgar Peters Bowron underscored Cades's 
excellence, stating "[...] Giuseppe Cades turned heads 
with his seemingly effortless ability to paint and draw in 
every style from Neo-Mannerist to Baroque to Romantic, 
revealing along the way his inspiration from Raphael and 
the Roman High Renaissance, Giulio Romano and 
Mannerism, Veronese and the Venetians, Rubens and 
Van Dyck, and Guercino. ' 



The Toledo Museum of Art has organized a focus exhibi- 
tion to commemorate the acquisition of The Virtue of 
Lucretia by reuniting it for the first time in America with its 
pendant — Achilles Receiving the Ambassadors of Agamemnon, 
now in the collection of the Musee du Louvre, Paris. These 
two paintings originally hung together in a private collec- 
tion in Toulouse, France. The exhibition, together with 
this publication, offers a study of these two works in 
conjunction with four exceptional drawings by Cades that 
also treat the themes ofLucretia and Achilles: The Rape of 
Lucretia (The Art Institute of Chicago), The Death of 
Lucretia (Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen, Berlin), 
Achilles Receiving the Ambassadors of Agamemnon (Musee 
du Louvre), and Achilles and Briseis (Musee Fabre, 
Montpellier). This exhibition would not have been possible 
without the generous support of these lending institutions. 

Special thanks also go to Maria Teresa Caracciolo, Chargee 
de recherche au CNRS, Universite de Lille, for her expert 
advice on Cades, as well as her thoughtful contribution 
to this publication. Giancarlo Fiorenza, the Museums 
assistant curator of European painting and sculpture 
before 1900, took the initiative, organized the exhibition, 
and produced the catalogue with the desire to promote 
this fascinating artist to a wider audience. He has 
splendidly succeeded. 

Roger M. Berkowitz 
Director 



3%rreawrd 



Travel often registers in the fate of works of art. Determined 
by the selections of patrons, the fluctuations of taste, and 
the evolution of knowledge, the fortune specific to each 
work of art unfolds in at times unpredictable ways. The 
works by Giuseppe Cades have traveled extensively. The 
slow decline of eighteenth-century Roman commissions 
pushed artists, especially those active in the second part of 
the century, to produce for foreign clients. Moreover, Cades 
distinguished himself from his contemporary Roman painters 
through his independence and through his non-conformist 
and astonishing artistic choices — choices that prevent us 
today from confining him, as Giancarlo Fiorenza notes in 
his clever essay dedicated to the painter, to any one stylistic 
category. For this reason many artists who visited Cades in 
Rome wanted to collect works from his hand: the eccentric 
Johan Tobias Sergei brought a healthy group of drawings 
back with him to Sweden; the classicist Bertel Thorvaldsen 
acquired others, today conserved in Denmark; Domingos 
Antonio de Sequeira, a Portuguese admirer of Cades, 
assembled more than one hundred drawings, transferring 
them, along with his own collection, to Lisbon. 

In France, despite the general disdain for eighteenth- 
century Italian painting, the baron de Puymaurin, an 
intelligent connoisseur, desired four paintings by Cades 
for his collection in Toulouse. It has not been emphasized 
enough that Cades was one of the rare Roman painters 
from the second half of the eighteenth century to have 
won over and fascinated a French patron. One of the 
Puymaurin paintings, The Virtue of Lucretia, has recently 



left its primary historical destination to join the collection 
of the Toledo Museum of Art. Regrettably, the canvas today 
is separated from its pendant, Achilles Receiving the Ambas- 
sadors of Agamemnon, since 1980 housed in the Musee du 
Louvre. Nonetheless, having discovered The Virtue of 
Lucretia, and having always followed its history (including 
its recent, triumphant restoration in Rome), I cannot but 
rejoice over its entry into the splendid collection of the 
Toledo Museum of Art. Cades, in fact, is not unknown to 
the American public. Appropriately, Toledo played host, 
now long ago in 1971, to the novel and stimulating 
exhibition Painting in Italy in the Eighteenth Century: 
Rococo to Romanticism, organized in part by the brilliant 
historian Anthony Morris Clark, who was among the first 
to highlight, with contagious enthusiasm, the quality of 
painting by Giuseppe Cades. s 

To find today that spark of old enthusiasm still intact in 
the initiative and in the investigations of Giancarlo 
Fiorenza, who is devoted to the most current orientations 
of art historical research, confirms just how important 
travel is to works of art for both the advancement of 
knowledge and the history of taste. 



Maria Teresa Caracciolo 
Chargee de recherche au CNRS 
Universite de Lille 



Virtues #smI "%^/e^r^: 

Portrayals ofLucretia and Achilles by Giuseppe Cades 



In I795i while visiting Rome, the En glish architect Charles 
Heathcote Tatham remarked in a letter that Giuseppe 
Cades was "the best Roman history painter."'' Perhaps no 
other artist of his day could match Cades's fresh and sharp 
response to classical history, which in the eighteenth 
century also embraced myth and legend. The Roman 
heroine Lucretia and the Greek warrior Achilles offered 
the artist provocative narratives with which he could 
display his innovative style. What follows is an examination 
or the artist's approach to his ancient subjects in relation to 
eighteenth-century theory and practice of imitation, with 
regard to the interest and concerns of his various audiences. 
A brief introduction to the life and career of Cades will 
provide the foundation for this discussion. 

Cades and the Cultural Environment of Rome 

Jean Cades, Giuseppe's father, was a tailor and amateur 
painter who originated from Saint-Orens, a village just 
outside Toulouse. He relocated to Rome, where he met 
his Italian bride and where Giuseppe was born in 1750. 
Cades began his artistic training under Domenico Corvi 
(1721-1803), a master draftsman and a chief exponent of 
Roman Neoclassicism. As early as 1762, and then again in 
1766, he won prizes in drawing competitions at the 
Accademia di San Luca in Rome. Soon thereafter, Corvi 
expelled Cades from his studio because he resented his 
student's personal and self-governed stylistic achievements. 1 * 
From an early age Cades secured major commissions from 
clientele that included Italian, French, English, and Russian 
elite and nobility. Fiercely independent, he was elected a 
member of the Accademia di San Luca onlv in 1786 



(Fig. 1). He traveled extensively throughout north Italy, 
most likely in the summer of 1785, in order to study the 
art native to those regions and to broaden his srylistic 
vocabulary. During his travels, Cades carried a copy of 
Giorgio Vasari's Lives of the Most Illustrious Painters, 
Sculptures, and Architects (1568) and studied first hand 
the works Vasari mentions.' 1 He greatly admired artists of 
the Venetian and Emilian Schools, notably Correggio and 
Guercino. In particular, he made drawings after Pellegrino 
Tibaldi's mock-heroic fresco cycle of Ulysses in the Palazzo 
Poggi in Bologna (painted about 1555). Besides executing 
religious and secular drawings and easel paintings, Cades 
also became a highly accomplished decorator of palace 
interiors. His masterpiece in that genre is the pictorial cycle 
(1788-90) in the Palazzo Chigi at Ariccia depicting scenes 
from Ludovico Ariosto's romance epic Orlando Furioso. 

By the 1780s Cades's reputation bloomed, and foreign 
dignitaries frequented his studio while visiting Rome on 
the Grand Tour. The architect Giacomo Quarenghi wrote 
to Giuseppe Beltramelli from Saint Petersburg in 1788 
that "[...] a certain Giuseppe Cades, the best I left in 
Rome [...] would be the only one able to repair the loss 
of [Pompeo] Batoni" — the most celebrated artist of his age 
who died in 1 787.'° He counted among his friends artists 
of the order of Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Antonio Canova, 
Henry Fuseli, and Johan Tobias Sergei. While Cades shared 
stylistic traits with his fellow artists, his own art resists 
placement in any one srylistic category. His prolific output 
reveals that Cades tailored his artistic vocabulary depending 
on his subject matter, medium, and audience. 



Rome, where Cades spent his entire career, was the heart 
or classical antiquity, the seat of universal Catholicism, 
and the center of a profound exchange between literature 
and the visual arts." The Accademia di San Luca and the 
Academic de France were the city's two official centers of 
artistic activity. Besides facilitating apprenticeships and 
providing an education for artists, the Accademia di San 
Luca approved all public works of art. Academic member- 
ship served to increase artistic status and recognition. 
Cades's teacher Domenico Corvi headed in various years 
the Accademia del Nudo, a celebrated life drawing acad- 
emy. Painters, sculptors, and architects throughout Europe 
flocked to Rome to study antiquity together with the great 




Fig. 1. Giuseppe Cades (Italian [Rome), 1750-1799), Self Portrait, about 
1775. Oil on canvas, 65 x 50.2 cm (25 7„ x 19 7, in.). Rome, Accademia 
di San Luca; Photo: Mauro Cocn. The date in the lower right corner 
seems to be a later addition and reflects Cades's election as a member of 



Italian masters. Theory and practice went hand in hand. 
A number of artistic treatises were composed or translated 
and published during Cades's lifetime: among them were 
the first volume of Giovanni Gaetano Bottari's Raccolta di 
lettere sulla pittura, scultura, e architettura (1756); Marco 
Pagliarini's new edition ofVasari's Z/mwith illustrations 
and corrections by Bottari (1759); and Carlo Amoretti's 
Italian translation of Johann Joachim Winckelmann's 
Reflections on the Imitation of the Painting and Sculpture 
of the Ancient Greeks (1779). The vibrant cultural life of 
Rome revolved around the Accademia dell'Arcadia, a 
literary academy founded in 1690 that had an enormous 
impact on the arts. 12 Members frequently worked together 
with artists on developing pictorial inventions around 
ancient themes. 

Pendant Paintings: Provenance, Dating, and Technique 

The Virtue ofLucretia (Fig. 3), together with its pendant 
Achilles Receiving the Ambassadors of Agamemnon (Fig. 2), 
formed part of the distinguished collection of Nicolas- 
Joseph Marcassus, baron de Puymaurin (1718-1791), 
the Syndic General of the province ofToulouse. 13 Although 
we lack documentation regarding their genesis, evidence 
suggests the baron de Puymaurin acquired these two works 
directly from Cades via one of his agents. He owned two 
smaller paintings by the artist, also pendants: Cornelia, 
Mother of the Gracchi, dated 1776 (Musee du Louvre), 
and Pontifex Maximus Among the Vestals (whereabouts 
unknown). The earliest record of The Virtue ofLucretia 
and Achilles Receiving the Ambassadors of Agamemnon 
comes from the catalogue to the 1789 Exposition de 
l'Academie Royale de Toulouse, where the baron de 
Puymaurin exhibited them along with his two other 
paintings by Cades. 14 The catalogue singles out The Virtue 
ofLucretia for its grand style ("tres-haut style"). Shortly 
after the patron's death, his heirs offered all four works in 



the Academy. 



a public sale in Paris in 1792, at the Salon de I'Hotel dc 
Villc, selling only Pontifex Maximus among the Vestals. 
The other three canvases returnee! to Toulouse where 
they remained until the late twentieth century. 

A distinguished collector and patron of the arts, the baron 
de Puymaurin was a member of the Academie Royale des 
Sciences, Inscriptions, et Belles Lettres and of the Academie 
Royale de Peinture, Sculpture, et Architecture de 
Toulouse. 15 He frequently exhibited examples from his 
collection at the arts academy, which sponsored an annual 
showing. As a literary scholar, he would have had a keen 
interest in the subject matter of Cades s paintings, a point 
that will be explored more fully below. His family was 
closely associated with the French monarchy and operated 
the royal cloth manufactories in Toulouse. In 1761 the 
baron acquired and renovated a sixteenth-century palace, 
the Hotel d'Assezat, in which to display his collection of 
paintings, including works by Annibale Carracci, Ambroise 
Fredeau, Sebastien Bourdon, Willem Kalf, Antonio Verrio, 
and Charles-Joseph Natoire. He was also a member of the 
Academie Royale des Belles Lettres de Nimes and of the 
Societe des Arts de Montpellier. Jacques Gamelin (1738- 
1803), the baron de Puymaurins bookkeeper and an 
accomplished artist, went to work in Rome from 1765 to 
1774."' There he entered the Accademia di San Luca and 
became well acquainted with Corvi and Cades, among 
other artists. Gamelin acted as the baron de Puymaurins 
artistic agent and may have commissioned Cades to send 
works to Toulouse, by then a burgeoning cultural center. 
In fact, a painting of the Virgin by Cades, owned by M. 
Maury, was already on display at the 1775 Exposition de 
l'Academie Royale de Toulouse in the Hotel de Ville. 1 
Certainly the origins of Giuseppe's father also played an 
important role in establishing the artist's reputation in and 
around Toulouse. It is also not out of the question that 
Cades himself traveled to France. 



According to Maria Teresa Caracciolo, The Virtue 
ofLucretia and Achilles Receiving the Ambassadors of 
Agamemnon due from about 1774-82. In particular, 
the chronology of the Louvre painting can be situated 
between two important drawings by Cades of the same 
subject: one in the Musee du Louvre, featured in the 
exhibition, and signed and dated 1774; and the other 
in the Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid), which is signed and 
dated 1782. Based on stylistic analogies with other 
paintings by Cades, including his three canvases depicting 
the loves of the pagan gods (private collection, Florence), 
it is reasonable to endorse Caracciolo's dating. 18 He uses a 
two-part composition for each work, separating the main 
protagonists spatially from one another. The intense 
spotlighting of the protagonists is a theatrical effect that 
Cades learned from such Romantic artists as Henry Fuseli, 
who arrived in Rome in 1770. As is characteristic of his 
mature works, Cades articulates form by using rapid, 
viscous strokes of the brush as if it were a pen. He paints 
the body with soft, feathery contours and a light touch. 
For his Virtue ofLucretia, Cades creates a delightfully 
balanced color scheme with delicate, even diaphanous, 
tones of blue, yellow, and lavender for the fabrics. The 
wispy blue tints lighten the background. The juxtaposition 
of iridescent pastel tints with pale and vivid hues evokes 
the paintings of such French artists as Jean-Honore 
Fragonard and Charles-Joseph Natoire, who was the 
director of the Academie de France in Rome beginning 
in 1751. By contrast, more saturated colors, especially 
red, and deeper shadows appear in his Achilles Receiving 
the Ambassadors of Agamemnon. The intensity of 
expression and deep emotional sentiment of these two 
pictures connect them to the achievements of foreign 
painters and sculptors working in Rome, namely Fuseli, 
Sergei, and Gamelin. Unlike his older contemporaries 
Corvi and Batoni, Cades varied his use of chiaroscuro 
for mood. 




Fig. 2. Giuseppe Cades (Italian [Rome], 1750-1799), Achilla Receiving the Ambassadors 
of Agamemnon, about 1774—82. Oil on canvas, 99 x 135 cm (39 x 53 '/„ in.). Paris, 
Musee du Louvre, Inv. RF 1980.191. Photo RMN: Jean Gilles Berizz. Reunion des 
Musees Nationaux/Art Resource, NY. 




Fig. 3. Giuseppe Cades (Italian (Rome], 1750—1799), The Virtue of Lucretia, about 
1774-82. Oil on canvas, 99 x 135 cm (39 x 53 Vi in.). Toledo Museum of An, 
Purchased with funds from the Libbey Endowment, Gift of Edward Drummond 
Libbey, 2000.29. 




Fig. 4. Jacques-Louis David (French, 1748-1825), The Oath of the Horatii, 1786. Oil 
on canvas, 130.2 x 166.7 cm (51 '/ t x 65 '/ 8 in.). Toledo Museum ot Art, Purchased 
with funds from the Libbey Endowment, Gift of Edward Drummond Libbey, 
1950.308. 



Lucretia: The Virtuous Wife 

Cades's portrayal of Lucretia, the virtuous heroine of 
ancient Rome celebrated for her fidelity and marital 
chastity, stands out in the art historical tradition. According 
to Roman legend, the events took place during the reign 
of the last Etruscan king of Rome, Tarquinius Superbus, 
in the sixth century B.C.E. Lucretia was raped by Sextus 
Tarquinius, the king's son. Preferring death to dishonor, 
Lucretia committed suicide after relating the traumatic 
event to her husband and father. Her kinsmen, led by 
Lucius Junius Brutus, avenged Lucretia by overthrowing 
theTarquin rulers and establishing the Roman Republic: 
her husband Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus and his cousin 
Brutus became the first elected consuls of the new Repub- 
lic. Significantly, for the Toledo canvas Cades chose an 
episode that is rarely treated in Italian painting. Instead 
of showing Lucretia's rape or suicide, the artist depicts 
an earlier moment in the narrative when her husband 
Collatinus, in the company of Sextus Tarquinius (also his 



cousin) and a third warrior, surprise Lucretia working late 
into the night with her handmaidens to make garments for 
the soldiers on the battlefield. The soldiers were previously 
boasting about the virtue of their respective brides and 
decided to devise a test. The unexpected visit established 
Lucretia's virtue and fidelity as greater than the other wives'. 
The surprise encounter, however, sparked the ill-fated lust 
in the heart of Sextus Tarquinius, whom Cades depicts 
leering with envy at Lucretia's beauty. 

The episode derives primarily from two famous ancient 
literary sources: Ovid's Fasti (2.685-852), an elegiac poem 
that celebrates the revised Roman calendar, and Livy's 
Early History of Rome (1.57-58). Livy's account provides 
the essential narrative sequence. The soldiers, boasting 
about the virtue of their respective wives during a break 
in the fighting, devise a scheme to test their conduct: 

Arriving there at early dusk, they thence proceeded 
to Collatia, where Lucretia was discovered very differently 
employed from the daughters-in-law of the king. These they had 
seen at a luxurious banquet, whiling away the time with their 
young friends: but Lucretia, though it was late at night, was 
busily engaged upon her wool, while her maidens toiled about 
her in the lamplight as she sat in the hall of her house. The prize 
of this contest in womanly virtues fell to Lucretia.(1.57) 19 

Considered in the context of this passage, Cades's painting 
faithfully depicts Lucretia and her handmaidens making 
wool cloaks for the soldiers. Yet it is likely that the artist 
glossed Livy's detailed narrative with Ovid's poetic descrip- 
tion of the events. Ovid focuses on the "baskets full of soft 
wool" next to Lucretia's bed, a detail that Cades displays in 
the foreground of his painting. 20 The Fasti also emphasizes 
the element of surprise when Lucretia's husband rushes in 
as she sits worrying about his safety. The words, "Fear not, 
I've come," exclaimed by Collatinus in the Fasti, seem to 
issue from his lips in Cades's painting. 21 The clasped hands 
of Collatinus and Lucretia is a gesture of concordia (union) 
that derives from ancient Roman art. The seated pose of 



10 



the handmaiden at the center right also resembles the form 
of the Crouching Venus, a famous antique statue known in 
several versions in and around Rome. Despite these classical 
motifs and stories, the artist is not interested in archaeo- 
logical accuracy, seeking mostly to evoke an antique feel 
embellished with pictorial ornament: the men's armor, the 
women's loose draperies, the elegant sandals, and the carved 
garlands on the walls. 

Cades offers a fresh interpretation of the legend that tinges 
theatricality with irony. Livy writes that Sextus Tarquinius 
was aroused as much by Lucretia's chastity as by her beauty. 
In the painting his gaze interrupts the blissful yet fleeting 
union of husband and wife and allows the beholder to 
meditate upon the pathos of beauty enhanced by impend- 
ing tragedy. The startled expression of Lucretia's hand- 
maiden at the center right intensifies the moment while 
simultaneously foreshadowing the shock and horror of 
rape in the minds of the viewer. The overarching theme is 
the power of virtue adorned by beauty to provoke desire. 

Responding to the challenge of portraying female loveli- 
ness, Cades indulged in a pageant of differing ideals of 
beauty as established in the works of famous painters. 
Among them we can detect Veronese for the young maiden 
with red hair and warm flesh tones at the extreme right; 
a combination of Giulio Romano's robust classicism and 
Poussin's formal elegance for the maiden in strict profile; 
Correggio's softness for the maiden pointing in the 
background; and Guercino's sensuality for Lucretia. 
Cades's virtuosity captivates his audience as much as his 
beautiful subjects. 

The art historian Luigi Lanzi celebrated the artist for his 
facility at imitating the manners of leading artists, both past 
and present. In 1809 he asserted that no one could better 
"improvise the physiognomy, the nude body, the drapery, 
and the entire character of every celebrated draftsman," 



adding that Cades "sometimes displayed as many different 
styles in a picture as there were figures."" The Virtue of 
Lucretia is a prime example of how Cades assimilates the 
pictorial language of a variety of masters into his own art. 
The practice of assembling a variety of beautiful models 
into a single work was popularized in antiquity with the 
story of the painter Zeuxis, who, in order to represent 
Helen of Troy, combined features of five of the most 
beautiful women of Croton. Cades's imitative strategy more 
appropriately corresponds to what the German art historian 
and advocate of ancient art Johann Joachim Winckelmann 
prescribed in his Reflections on the Imitation of the Painting 
and Sculpture of the Ancient Greeks. According to 
Winckelmann, the great classicizing artists of the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries, from Raphael and Michelangelo 
to Poussin, played an intermediary role between the 
ancients, whose art was considered beyond imitation, and 
the moderns. Such modern artists were seen as successful 
"surrogates" of the antique canon — the true source of 
beauty — and worthy of imitation themselves because their 
art was more accessible and immediate. 23 Considering the 
patron of The Virtue of Lucretia, it is significant, too, that 
Gamelin copied paintings by Guercino, Guido Reni, and 
Domenichino for the baron de Puymaurin's collection. 24 

Achilles: The Proud, Beautiful Hero 

The emphasis on virtue and beauty in the Toledo painting 
unfolds in the context of the Louvre Achilles Receiving the 
Ambassadors of Agamemnon. The baron de Puymaurin most 
likely displayed these two works side by side in the Hotel 
d'Assezat, offering a didactic confrontation of admired 
female and male personalities from Roman and Greek 
history. In Homer's Iliad (9. 169-202), Achilles stopped 
battling the Trojans because his beautiful captive, Briseis, 
was unfairly taken from him by Agamemnon. When the 
tide of the war turned in favor of the Trojans, Agamemnon 



11 





Fig. 6. Titian (Italian (Venice], about 1490-1576), The Rape 
ofLucretia, about 1570. Oil on canvas, 188.9 x 145.4 cm 
(74 V 8 x57 '/., in.). Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, Inv. 914. 



Fig. 5. Giuseppe Cades (Italian (Rome], 1750-1799/ The Rape of Lucretia, about 
1795. Pen and dark brown and black inks with brush and brown wash, over black 
chalk, on ivory laid paper, 43.5 x 27.6 cm (17 '/« x 10 ' V,,, in.). Chicago, The Art 
Institute of Chicago; Leonora Hall Gurley Memorial Collection, 1922.648. 
Photograph © 2002, The Art Institute of Chicago, All Rights Reserved. 




Fig. 7. Giuseppe Maria Crespi (Italian [Bologna], I665-1747J, 
Tarquin and Lueretia, about 1690-1700. Oil on canvas 195 x 
171.3 cm (76 V 4 x 67 7, in.). Washington, D.C., National 
Gallery of Art, Samuel H. Kress Collection, 1952.5.30.(PA)842. 



12 




Fig. 8. Giuseppe Cades (Italian [Rome], 1750—1799), The Death of Lucretia, 1788. Pen and black ink, brown wash, heightened with 
white, on paper, 34.0 x 47.0 cm (13 Vj x 18 7j in.). Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, K.d.Z 18584. 



decided to negotiate with Achilles. The ambassadors of 
Agamemnon — Ulysses, Ajax, and Phoenix — found Achilles 
in his tent with his companion Patroclus. The passage 
related to the events portrayed by Cades reads as follows: 

(...) they found Achilles delighting in his lyre, clear- 
sounding, splendid and carefully wrought, with a bridge of silver 
upon it, which he won out ot the spoils when he ruined Eetion's 
city. With this he was pleasuring his heart, and singing ot men's 
fame, as Patroclus was sitting over against him, alone, in silence, 
watching [Achilles] and the time he would leave off singing. 
Now these two came forward, as brilliant Ulysses led them, 
and stood in his presence. (///W9.186-93) 2,1 



As with his portrayal of Lucretia, Cades represents a private 
moment in the narrative of the hero Achilles. He sets the 
scene within the luxurious interior of Achilless tent. The 
ambassadors interrupt the hero while he is at leisure, 
absorbed in music alongside his companion. The interrup- 
tion occurs ar night, and in a motif that echoes his Virtue 
of Lucretia, Cades baths Achilles in a beaming white light. 

Cades imitates Homer's description of the lyre as an exotic 
detail worrhy of artistic embellishment in both poetry and 
painting. In the 1770s Melchiorre Cesarotti and Vincenzo 
Monti, members of the Accademia dell'Arcadia, were 
working on Italian translations of Homers epics. The force 



13 




Fig. 9. Gavin Hamilton (British, 1723-1798), The Death of Lucretia, 1767. Oil on 
canvas, 213.2 x 264.0 cm (84 x 104 in.). New Haven, Conn., Yale Center for British 
Art, Paul Mellon Collection, B 198 1.25.3 18. 



of Homers poetry presented a spur to the imagination and 
challenged artists from the Renaissance onward to rival in 
paint his copiousness of invention and expressive energy. 
Cades complements the sensuous features of Achilles with 
his silken robes and fur-covered stool. Note, too, how 
Achilles rests his small and elegant foot next to a pile of 
fabric and musical instruments instead of on the trappings 
of war. Winckelmann, along with other art critics, 
promoted the idea of beautiful masculinity with reference 
to ancient statuary on display in Rome. He praised the 
sleek-limbed Apollo Belvedere over the powerful Farnese 
Hercules for its "charming manliness" and "soft tender- 
ness."' 6 Rather than showing a brawny hero in action, 
Cades portrays Achilles as delicate, almost effeminate. 
This is also in accord with the ancient Greek philosopher 
Plato, whose Symposium (5.104-7) identifies Achilles as 
the "beloved" of Patroclus — beardless and the fairer of 
the two. 2 



The Glamour of Virtue and Honor 

Together, Cades's The Virtue of Lucretia and Achilles 
Receiving the Ambassadors of Agamemnon invite spectators 
to contemplate traditional female and male exemplars 
of virtue and honor. Both canvases explore the conflict 
between love and patriotism. Lucretia's domestic labor 
serves a greater good — her weaving aids her husband and 
other soldiers on the battlefield while simultaneously 
demonstrating her chastity. By contrast, Achilles is the 
epitome of the wronged man — a victim of Agamemnon's 
seizure of Briseis. His dereliction of duty comes, appropri- 
ately, in the context of his own desire for a woman — his 
"prize of honor." His stubborn defiance may be seen as the 
antithesis to the glamour of Lucretia's virtue. In Book 9 of 
the Iliad, Achilles rejects the pleas of the ambassadors and 
announces that he will sail for home. He furthermore 
questions the whole Greek code of honor, loathing the 
shameful act of King Agamemnon, rejecting the quest for 
fame, and exclaiming that life matters more than wealth 
or reputation: "For not worth the value of my life are all 
the possessions they fable were won for Ilium" (9.400-2). 
As the Iliad relates, Achilles only returns to combat after 
his companion Patroclus answers the call to arms and dies 
in battle. The opposite is true for Lucretia who, as a matron 
of ancient Roman society, committed suicide to preserve 
her reputation as an unwilling victim and not bring scandal 
upon her family. Though without blame in the eyes of her 
husband and father, Lucretia desired that no adulteress 
could use her as an excuse to live without shame. Before 
stabbing herself, as Livy relates, she exclaims: "not in 
time to come shall ever unchaste women live through 
the example of Lucretia." 28 

Cades's representations of Lucretia and Achilles contributed 
to the newly emerging cultural interpretations of history 
and myth as metaphors of human condition. In eighteenth- 
century France, for example, a general shift was occurring 



14 




Fig. 10. Giuseppe Cades (Italian [Rome], 1750-1799), Achilla Receiving the Ambassadors of Agamemnon, 1774. 
Pen and brown ink, brown wash, heightened with white, on sized paper, 36.1 x 51.0 cm (14 7„ x 20 7„ in.). Pans, 
Musee du Louvre, Departement des Arts Graphiques, Inv. 2948. Photo RMN: Michele Bellot. Reunion des Musees 

Nationaux/Art Resource, NY. 




Fig. 1 1 . Giuseppe Cades (Italian [Rome], 1750-1799), Achilles and Briseis. 1776. Pen and black ink, gray wash, and 
black chalk, heightened with white, on paper, 41 x 66 cm (16 Vi x 26 in.). Montpellier. Musee Fabre. Inv. 877.1.8. 



15 



from the portrayal of overtly erotic subjects, epitomized by 
Francois Bouchers pictorial celebrations of playful nymphs 
and lovers, to the appreciation of historical narratives that 
embody moralizing messages and lessons of virtue. 29 In 
1747, La Font de Saint- Yenne commended the ///Wand 
the Odyssey to painters as important iconographical sources, 
and later he acknowledged the moral value of history 
painting when it treats the virtuous and heroic actions of 
men and women as discovered in ancient sources. 30 In fact, 
a number of eighteenth-century French artists successfully 
treated the subject of Lucretia, with Jean-Jacques Lagrenee 
presenting The Sons ofTarquin Admiring the Virtue of 
Lucretia at the 1781 Paris Salon. 3 ' In addition, the French 
art critic Denis Diderot applauded dramatic paintings in 
which the characters were so absorbed in their actions, 
specifically during a moment of crisis, that the narrative 
composition effectively denied the presence of a beholder. 32 
Arguably the greatest product of this thought was Jacques- 
Louis Davids Oath of the Horatii, a work that he primarily 
executed and displayed in Rome before shipping it to Paris 
in 1785. David's reduced version of this famous composi- 
tion, ordered by the comte de Vaudreuil and signed and 
dated 1786, is in the Toledo Museum of Art (Fig. 4). 33 

The crisis over history painting that occurred in France 
did not develop to the same degree in Rome. Allegorical 
presentations of ancient themes dominated Rome through- 
out the eighteenth century. Cades expanded the Roman 
tradition by providing an intellectual investigation into the 
meaning of historical discourse with an emphasis on the 
personal emotions of his protagonists. 34 The complicated 
play of emotions in the baron de Puymaurin's pictures 
appeals to the sentiment, what we tend to associate most 
with the art of the eighteenth century. Absorption, too, 
fills the pictures, as Lucretia and Achilles shift from being 
engrossed in weaving and music to being mesmerized by 
their intruders. No one looks out at us. Both works 
contribute to an open discourse on the self that would 
have appealed to the baron de Puymaurin. 



The Drawings: Violence, Vengeance, and Irony 

There are no known preparatory drawings for the Toledo 
and Louvre pictures. Nevertheless, Cades executed a 
number of highly finished drawings related to the themes 
of Lucretia and Achilles throughout his career. He created 
these drawings for the open market as independent works 
of art. In 1785 the art historical journal Memorie per le Belle 
Arti discussed Cades's remarkable ability to forge drawings 
of the style of old masters. 35 The following examples, while 
not forgeries, broaden the context of the themes explored 
in his two paintings by offering very modern and progres- 
sive stylistic statements. 

Let us begin with The Rape of Lucretia now in the Art 
Institute of Chicago (Fig. 5). 36 Though undated, this 
superb drawing relates closely to another drawing of the 
same subject, which is signed and dated by Cades in 1795 
(Thorvaldsen Museum, Copenhagen). 37 For the Chicago 
drawing, the artist applies an even brown wash punctuated 
by exuberant pen lines to express contour and details. Note 
the flurry of Lucretia's hair that spills onto the pillow and 
blends into its design. The graphic flourishes around the 
abandoned sword and drapery at the lower left even trail 
off into the calligraphy of Cades's signature. A robust 
classicism governs the entire composition. Even though 
Cades learned much from Corvi's anatomical drawing 
lessons, the voluptuous body of Lucretia conveys his 
appreciation of the Venetian artist Titian (about 1490- 
1576). The artist darkens the face of Sextus Tarquinius in 
shadow to make him more ominous, much in the manner 
he appears in Toledo's Virtue of Lucretia. 

In addition to Livy and Ovid, such ancient and early 
Christian authors as Dio Cassius, Dionysius of Hali- 
carnassus, Valerius Maximus, and Saint Augustine all 
wrote about Lucretia's rape and suicide. From the fifteenth 
century onward artists including Raphael and Titian saw 
the rape and suicide of Lucretia as rhetorically complex 



themes worthy of pictorial representation. 38 Cades certainly 
knew of Titian's famous Rape ofLucretia of about 1570 
(Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; Fig. 6) through the 
engraving by Cornelius Cort made in 1571. It is also 
possible he was aware of Giuseppe Maria Crespi's Tarquin 
and Lucretia, painted about 1690-1700 and now in the 
National Gallery of Art, Washington (Fig. 7), which is 
the earliest known painting to show Tarquin silencing 
Lucretia. 3 '' The gesture refers to Sextus Tarquinius's threat 
to murder Lucretia and a servant and posthumously accuse 
them of adultery if she does not submit to his advances. 
In Livy, Sextus Tarquinius says: "'Be still, Lucretia! I am 
Sextus Tirquinius. My sword is in my hand. Utter a sound, 
and you die!"' (1.58). Cades imbues his drawing with 
emotional power and poignant theatricality. Naked and 
vulnerable, Lucretia signifies innocence and beauty. She 
desperately tries to fight off her aggressor, who in his 
military gear and with raised dagger signifies virility 
and violence. 

The Death ofLucretia by Cades, a drawing signed and 
dated 1788, shows the suicide ofLucretia after the fact, 
as her kinsmen pledge to avenge her death (Fig. 8).'° We 
see her father raising his arms in anguish while her husband 
swoons from grief into the arms of Brutus and his compan- 
ions. Now in the Staatliche Museen, Berlin, this particular 
drawing was originally owned by the Roman sculptor 
Vincenzo Pacetti, a close friend of Cades. It reveals the 
artist's continued reflection on the theme of Lucretia's 
virtue. Moreover, in 1779, his painting titled Lucretia, 
a Roman Lady, Dying in the Anns of Her Father and Her 
Husband While Brutus, Holding the Dagger with which 
She Has Struck Herself, Swears to Avenge Her Death 
(whereabouts unknown) was exhibited at the Societe 
des Beaux-Arts in Montpellier by M. Boudet." This last 
work certainly relates to the Toledo canvas and the Berlin 
drawing, and testifies to the artist's varied approaches to 
his subject. Caracciolo suggests that Cades studied the 



engraving by Domenico Cunego of Cavin Hamilton's 
famous painting The Death of Lucretia (1767) (Yale 
Universiry Art Gallery, New Haven; Fig. 9). 1J Hamilton 
shows Lucius Junius Brutus, the male hero, vowing revenge- 
on the Iarquins: he is the agent of action. Cades, however, 
emphasizes Lucretia's act. The complex narrative connects 
Lucretia with her family and the future of the country. 
The soldiers in the background seem to pledge directly to 
Lucretia's dead body. Furthermore, Cades shows Collatinus 
rendered helpless and ineffective, swooning into the arms 
of Brutus and other soldiers. Lucretia's self-sacrifice to 
avoid shame and preserve her virtue prompted Ovid to 
declare her a matron of manly courage {animi matrona 
virilis 2.847). 

The discrepancy between male and female roles as 
expressed through body language is also at the heart of 
Cades's graphic representations of Achilles. The artist's 
ability to focus attention upon questions of emotion and 
character is central to understanding his narratives of 
Greek myrh and their reception in the eighteenth century. 
The Louvre drawing of Achilles Receiving the Ambassadors 
of Agamemnon, dated 1774, most likely represents the 
artist's earliest depiction of the subject (Fig. \0). A * Its 
slightly worn condition does not detract from its beauty. 
Unlike the painting, Achilles appears muscular and 
powerful. The close-knit composition connects Achilles 
to the ambassadors both spatially and physically. The 
surprised look on the hero's face, along with his tensed 
muscles, renders him more alert than does his lanquid 
demeanor in the Paris painting. Fresh and spontaneous, 
the drawing reads like an epic encounter instead of a 
domestic interruption. The comte Grimod d'Orsay 
purchased this work during his stay in Rome from 1775 
to 1778, demonstrating the artist's appeal to French 
connoisseurs. 



17 



Cades's Achilles and Briseis, one of his greatest graphic 
inventions and the last work to be discussed here, is signed 
and dated 1776 (Fig. 11).'" It shows the moment when 
Patroclus hands over Briseis to Agamemnon's heralds, 
Nestor and Ulysses {Iliad 1.345-56), causing Achilles 
great emotional anguish. The artist worked up the drawing 
to a high degree of finish that imitates bas-relief, complete 
with tints and highlights for modeling. The quick parallel 
strokes that delineate muscle definition agree with the 
technique employed in the Toledo Virtue ofLucretia. 
A pentimento (a revision) is visible behind the leg of the 
ambassador to the far right. Cades mixes the abstract 
elegance of Parmigianino's sinuous lines with the robust 
expression of the body characteristic of Baroque art. There 
is very little distinction between male and female forms. 
As in the representations of Achilles discussed above, he 
appears without armor. Even the hair of Patroclus, seated 
in the center, curls like decorative ribbons. Cades portrays 
Achilles as conveying all-too-human emotions while 
lamenting with outstretched arms the loss of his beloved. 
What is described as a serious event in the Iliad'is treated 
by Cades with irony and humor: the inflated drama 
lightens the intensity of the narrative. One of the powerful 
heralds even clutches Briseis with both arms as she weeps 
and seemingly begs to stay. The mixture of tragedy and 
comedy corresponds to the study of these genres in 
Gioacchino Pizzi's Ragionamento sulla tragica e comica 
poesia, published in Rome in 1772. Ultimately, this 
drawing possesses the qualities treasured most by 
connoisseurs from the eighteenth century to the present 
day: a freshness and vitality of expression coupled with 
technical brilliance. 



A/*He& 



Maria Teresa Caracciolo, Lawrence W. Nichols, Marc S. Gcrstein, and Sandra 
E, Knudsen all provided valuable comments on this publication. 

1 Anthony Clark, "An Introduction to the Drawings of Giuseppe Cades," 
Master Drawings 1 (1964): 18-26. Clark also wrote the first modern critical 
biography of the artist in Dizionario Biografico degli Italian! 16 (1973), s.v. 
"Cades, Giuseppe," pp. 72-78. 



J Luigi Lanzi, Storia pittorica della Italia dal risorgimento delle belle arti fin 
presso al fine del XVIII secolo(\ 809) (reprint, Florence: Sansoni, 1968), vol. 1, 
p. 422: "II Cades dee raccomandarsi alia storia principalmente per un talento 
d'imitazione pericoloso alia societa [...]." 

1 Maria Teresa Caracciolo, Giuseppe Cades (1750-1799) et la Rome de son 
temps (Paris: Arthena, 1992); eadem, "Giuseppe Cades (1750-1799): 
L'experience franchise dun peintre romain," Revue du LouvreSIG (1984): 
353-58; eadem, "Storia antica e mitologia nell'arte di Giuseppe Cades," 
Quaderni sul Neoclassico 4 (1978): 73-84; and eadem, "Per Giuseppe Cades," 
Arte illustrata 6 (1973): 2-14. Addirional publications are cited below. 

' Edgar Peters Bowron, "Painters and Painting in Settecento Rome," in Art in 
Rome in the Eighteenth Century, exh. cat., eds. Edgar Peters Bowron and 
Joseph J. Rishel (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, 2000), p. 298. 
See also the entries on Cades's works by Maria Teresa Caracciolo. 

5 Painting in Italy in the Eighteenth Century: Rococo to Romanticism, exh. cat., 
eds. John Maxon and Joseph J. Rishel (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 
1970). 

6 Cited in Clark ( 1 973) (above n. 1 ), p. 76. 

Biographical information on Cades is found in Clark (1973) (above 
n. 1), pp. 72-78; and Caracciolo (1992) (above n. 3), passim. 

* Lanzi (above n. 2), p. 423. 

Bcrtel Thorvaldsen (1770-1844), the Danish sculptor and connoisseur who 
began an extended sojourn in Rome in 1797, acquired Cades's notebook and 
drawings, for which see Maria Teresa Caracciolo, "Un album di Giuseppe 
Cades appunti di viaggio e disegni," Meddelelser fia Thorvaldsens Museum 
(1978): 7-47. 

'" Quoted in Caracciolo (1992) (above n. 3), p. 74: "Raccomandai se non 
m'inganno quando fui a Bergamo lultima volta un cerro Giuseppe Cades il 
migliore che lasciai a Roma, di qucsto vengo a ricevere due quadri adiscatili 
precisamente per me, che sono due gioielli, il Presepio c ammirabile, non ho 
veduto da quello di Dresda in fuori cosa piu bella, qucsto sarebbe il solo 
capace di riparare la perdita del Batoni." 



" For an overview of the culture in Rome in the eighteenth century, see 
Liliana Barroero and Stctano SusinnOi "Arcadian Rome, Universal ( Capital of 
the Arts," in Art in Rome in the Eighteenth Century (above n. 4), pp. 47-75. 

'- See A. L. Bellini and C. Caruso, "Oltrc il Barocco: l.a fondazionc 
dell' Arcadia," in Storia della letteratura italiana: II Settecento (Rome: Salerno, 
1998), vol. 6, pp. 239-312; and Maria Teresa Acquaro Graziosi, LArcadia, 
trecento anni di storia (Rome: Fratelli Palombi, 1991). 

" A detailed discussion of these two paintings and their early history 
is found in Maria Teresa Caracciolo's entries in Les collectionneurs toulousains 
du XVI He siecle: LAcademie royale de peinture, sculpture et architecture, exh. 
cat. (Paris: Somogy, 2001), pp. 198-99; eadem (1992) (above n. 3), pp. 56- 
58; 186-88; eadem (1984) (above n. 3), pp. 353-58; and eadem (1978) 
(above n. 3), pp. 74-77. 

" Robert Mcsuret, Les expositions de lAcademie Royale de Toulouse de 1751 a 
1791 (Toulouse: Espic, 1972), esp. pp. 524-25; and idem, "La collection du 
Baron de Puymaurin en 1792," L'Auta (1948), pp. 3-11. 

|s Information on the baron de Puymaurin's life is found in the preface to 
Henri David, /. Gamelin sa vie et son oeuvre (1738-1802) (Auch: Socicte 
AnonymeTh. Bouquet, 1928). 

"' On Gamelin, see David (above n. 15); znd Jacques Gamelin, exh. cat. 
(Paris: Joseph Hahn, 1979). 

17 Mesuret (1972) (above n. 14), p. 275. 

18 Though the Florentine paintings are undated, these pictures, together with 
the Toledo and Louvre canvases, share characteristics with Cades's Ecstasy of 
Saint Joseph ofCopertino (Basilica of Santi Apostoli, Rome), executed in 

1777. 

" Livy, History of Rome, trans. B. O. Foster, Loeb Classical Library 
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1919). 

20 Ovid, Fasti, trans. James Frazer, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, 
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989), 2.742: "ante torum calathi lanaque 
mollis erat." 

11 Ibid., 2.779: "'pone metum, veni!" 

" Lanzi (above n. 2), pp. 422-24: "Non vi e stato falsator di caratteri 
cosl esperto in contrafFare i tratti e le piegature di 24 lettere, com'cgli 
contraffaceva, anche allimprowiso, le fisonomie, il nudo, il panneggiamento, 
tutto esattamente il carattere d'ogni piu lodato disegnatore"; "(...] prescntava 
ancora talvolta in un quadro tante imitazioni di maestri diversi. quant'eran 
figure." 

:< Michael Fried, "Antiquity Now: Reading W'inckclmann on Imitation," 
October 57 (1986): 87-98. 



19 



24 David (above n. 15), p. xviii. 

25 The 'Iliad' of Homer, trans. Richmond Latcimore (Chicago and London: 
University of Chicago Press, 1951. 

2 " The quotations are from Winckelmann's History of the Art of Antiquity 
( 1 776), as cited and discussed by Alex Potts, Flesh and the Ideal: Winckelmann 
and the Origins of Art History (New Haven and London: Yale University 
Press, 1994), p. 118. On the concept of the beautiful male body in 
eighteenth-century painting, see also Chloe Chard, "Effeminacy, Pleasure and 
the Classical Body," in Femininity and Masculinity in Eighteenth-Century Art 
and Culture, eds. Gill Perry and Michael Rossington (Manchester and New 
York: Manchester University Press, 1994), pp. 142-61; and Thomas Crow, 
"Revolutionary Activism and the Cult of Male Beauty in the Studio of 
David," in Fictions of the French Revolution, ed. Bernadette Fort (Evanston, 
IL: Northwestern University Press, 1991), pp. 55-85. 

"The passage from Plato is cited and discussed by Crow (above n. 26), p. 68, 
n. 28. The subject of Achilles Receiving the Ambassadors of Agamemnon was 
the competition piece for the 1801 Prix de Rome, won by Ingres for his 
masterful rendition of the subject (now in the Ecole Nationale Superieure 
des Beaux-Arts, Paris). Carol Ockman explores the homoerotic implications 
of Ingress work in her article "Profiling Homoeroticism: Ingress Achilles 
Receiving the Ambassadors of Agamemnon, " The Art Bulletin 85 (1993): 
259-74. 

28 Livy, 1.58.10: "nee ulla deinde inpudica Lucretiae exemplo vivet." 

In his Roman History, Dio Cassius stated that Sextus Tarquinius desired to 
ruin Lucretia's reputation more than her body. Furthermore, Augustine's 
City of God criticizes Lucretia's suicide as an act of self-murder, that is, a sin. 

29 See Robert Rosenblum, Transformations in Late Eighteenth Century Art 
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967); and Dorothy Johnson, "Myth 
and Meaning: Mythological Painting in France circa 1800," in Frankreich 
1800: Gesellschaft, Kultur, Mentalitdten (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1990), 

pp. 23-33. 

30 Discussed by Rosenblum (above n. 29), pp. 55—56. 

31 Henry Bardon, "Les peintures a sujets antiques du XVlIIeme siecle d'apres 
les livrets de Salons," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 61 (1963): 217-50, esp. p. 231. 

32 On Diderot's art criticism, see Michael Fried, Absorption and Theatricality: 
Painting and the Beholder in the Age of Diderot (Chicago and London: 
University of Chicago Press, 1980). 

"The open debate over the attribution of this canvas to Jacques-Louis David 
or his pupil Anne-Louis Girodet is sensitively discussed by Joseph Rischel in 
Art in Rome in the Eighteenth Century (above n. 4), pp. 361-62. 

M On the theme of the privatization of the hero, see Stefan Germer 
and Hubertus Kohle, "From the Theatrical to the Aesthetic Hero: 
On the Privatization of the Idea of Virtue in David's Brutus and Sabines, " 
Art History 1 ) (1986): 168-84. 



35 Cited in Maria Teresa Caracciolo, "L'ispirazione letteraria di Giuseppe 
Cades," Antologia di Belle Arti 1 (1977): 246-65, esp. pp. 246-47. 

36 The drawing is discussed by Caracciolo (1992) (above n. 3), pp. 184—85; 
Roberta Olson, Italian Drawings 1780-1890, exh. cat. (New York: American 
Federation of the Arts, 1980), pp. 40-41; and Harold Joachim and Suzanne 
Folds McCullagh, Italian Drawings in the Art Institute of Chicago (Chicago 
and London: Chicago University Press, 1979), p. 91. 

37 See Maria Teresa Caracciolo's entry on Cades's Copenhagen drawing in 
Art in Rome in the Eighteenth Century (above n. 4), pp. 483-84. 

38 Two excellent studies on the impact of the legend of Lucretia on European 
culture are by Stephanie Jed, Chaste Thinking: The Rape of Lucretia and the 
Birth of Humanism (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 
1989); and Ian Donaldson, The Rapes of Lucretia: A Myth and its Transforma- 
tions (Oxford: Clarendon University Press, 1982). Art historical studies on 
Lucretia in the Renaissance and beyond include Cristelle Baskins, 'Cassone' 
Painting, Humanism, and Gender in Early Modern Italy (Cambridge: 
Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 127-59; Patricia Emison, "The 
Singularity of Raphael's Lucretia," Art History 14 (1991): 372-96; and 
Norman Bryson, "Two Narratives of Rape in the Visual Arts: Lucretia and 
the Sabine Women," in Rape in Art, eds. Sylvia Tomaselli and Roy Porter 
(Oxford: Blackwell Press, 1986), pp. 152-73. 

39 Crespi's painting was originally in Bologna and may have been known to 
Cades through copies; see Diane De Grazia's entry in Italian Paintings of the 
Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, eds. Diane De Grazia and Eric 
Garberson (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1996), pp. 71-76. 

40 Caracciolo (1992) (above n. 3), p. 303. Another version of this drawing 
exists by Cades in the Crocker Art Gallery, Sacramento. 

41 The importance of this work in relation to Cades's paintings for the baron 
de Puymaurin was first discussed by Maria Teresa Caracciolo (1978) (above 
n. 3), p. 76. 

42 Rosenblum (as in n. 29), p. 69; and Duncan Macmillan, "Woman 
as Hero: Gavin Hamilton's Radical Alternative," in Femininity and 
Masculinity in Eighteenth-Century Art and Culture (above n. 26), pp. 78-98. 

43 See Caracciolo (1992) (above n. 3), pp. 184-85; and her entries on the 
drawing in Art in Rome in the Eighteenth Century (above n. 4), pp. 480-81; 
and in Les collectionneurs toulousains du XVIIIe siecle (above n. 13), pp. 200- 
01. 

44 Caracciolo (1992) (above n. 3), p. 189. Another version by Cades was 
formerly on the art market. 



TOLEDO MUSEUM OF ART 




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